Cultural Literacy: Treasury Bills

I rather doubt there will be a huge amount of demand for this Cultural Literacy worksheet on treasury bills, though perhaps there should be. I developed it when I worked in a economics-and-finance-themed high school in Manhattan a number of years ago, then never used it.

In any case. this is a half-page worksheet with a reading of three sentences and three comprehension questions. The second two of the three sentences are longish compounds separated by semicolons which might be best broken up and rewritten as simpler clauses for students who struggle with these kinds of sentences.

If you find typos in this document, I would appreciate a notification. And, as always, if you find this material useful in your practice, I would be grateful to hear what you think of it. I seek your peer review.

Some Hopeful Thinking from Mark Edmundson

“Many humanities teachers feel that they are fighting for a lost cause. They believe that the proliferation of electronic media will eventually make them obsolete. They see the time their students spend with TV and movies and on the Internet and feel what they have to offer–words, mere words–must look shabby by comparison.

Not so. When human beings try to come to terms with who they are and describe who they hope to be, the most effective medium is words. Through words we represent ourselves to ourselves; we fix our awareness of who we are and what we are. Then we can step back and gain distance on what we’ve said. With perspective comes the possibility for change. People write about their lives in their journals; talk things over with friends; talk, at day’s end, to themselves about what has come to pass. And then they can brood on what they’ve said, privately or with another. From that brooding comes the possibility of new beginnings. In this process, words allow for precision and nuance that images and music generally don’t permit.”

Excerpted from: Edmundson, Mark. Why Read? New York: Bloomsbury, 2004.

The Weekly Text, 13 June 2025: A Word-Builder from the Oxford Dictionary of Word Origins

This week’s Text is a word-builder from the Oxford Dictionary of Word Origins. My understanding of linguistics is amateurish at best. Nonetheless, I would assess this document as of mid-level linguistic work, so it might not be appropriate for classroom use. It might be broken into pieces for teaching the inventory of prefixes and suffixes this document contains. Or, it might be handy to keep on one’s desk to keep all of this straight in one’s mind.

If you find typos in this document, I would appreciate a notification. And, as always, if you find this material useful in your practice, I would be grateful to hear what you think of it. I seek your peer review.

James Boren’s Rules for Bureaucrats

“Guidelines for Bureaucrats:

  1. When in charge, ponder.
  2. When in trouble, delegate.
  3. When in doubt, mumble.”

James H. Boren

Excerpted from: Winokur, Jon, ed. The Big Curmudgeon. New York: Black Dog & Leventhal, 2007.

Common English Verbs Followed by an Object and an Infinitive: Invite

Here is a worksheet on the verb invite when used with an object or an infinitive.

The principal invited the teacher to stop criticizing high-stakes testing.

The teacher invited the principal to think more carefully about pedagogical theory and practice.

If you find typos in this document, I would appreciate a notification. And, as always, if you find this material useful in your practice, I would be grateful to hear what you think of it. I seek your peer review.

Critique

“Critique (noun): A critical appraisal or commentary, especially of a literary work; an acute review or evaluation, generally with respect to an understood standard or interested public; report. Verb: critique.

‘The New Yorker recently observed, in a memorial note about the late Wolcott Gibbs, that if his written editorial opinions ‘could be released to the world (as they most assuredly can’t be), they would make probably a funnier and sounder critique of creative writing in the late twenties and early thirties than has ever been assembled.’ John Fischer, in Writing in America”

Excerpted from: Grambs, David. The Random House Dictionary for Writers and Readers. New York: Random House, 1990.

Cultural Literacy: High Horse

Here is a Cultural Literacy worksheet on the idiom high horse, as in “to be on one’s high horse.” This is still, I think, a relatively common expression in American English. In any event, it is one of those idioms that requires prior knowledge and interpretive skills–you know, those things that combine into semantic webs that we no longer teach for, preferring the narrow, blinkered tests that crappy educational publishers produce.

This is a half-page worksheet with a reading of one long, kind of complicated compound sentence; you may want to overhaul the text for emergent readers or students for whom English is a second or third language.

If you find typos in this document, I would appreciate a notification. And, as always, if you find this material useful in your practice, I would be grateful to hear what you think of it. I seek your peer review.

Chris Hedges on the State of the American Intellect

“We are a culture that has been denied, of has passively given up, the linguistic and intellectual tools to cope with complexity, to separate illusion from reality. We have traded the printed word for the gleaming image. Public rhetoric is designed to be comprehensible to a ten-year-old child or an adult with a sixth-grade reading level. Most of us speak at this level, are entertained and think at this level. We have transformed our culture into a vast replica of Pinocchio’s Pleasure Island, where boys are lured with the promise of no school and endless fun. They were all, however, turned into donkeys–a symbol, in Italian culture, of ignorance and stupidity.

Functional illiteracy in America is epidemic. There are 7 million illiterate Americans. Another 27 million are unable to read well enough to complete a job application, and 30 million can’t read a simple sentence. There are some 50 million people who read at a fourth- or fifth-grade level. Nearly a third of the nation’s population is illiterate or barely literate–a figure that is growing by more than 2 million a year. A third of high-school graduates never read another book for the rest of their lives, and neither do 42 percent of college graduates. In 2007, 80 percent of the families in the United States did not buy or read a book. And it is not much better beyond our borders. Canada has an illiterate and semiliterate population estimated at 42 percent of the whole, a proportion that mirrors that of the United States.”

Excerpted from: Hedges, Chris. Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle. New York: Nation Books, 2009.

The Weekly Text, 6 June 2025: A Lesson on the Latin Word Root Sect

This week’s Text is a lesson plan on the Latin word root sect. It means “to cut.” Now that you know that, I imagine that you see that this productive word root in English grows such high-frequency words as dissect, intersect (intersection is probably more common in everyday usage), and more specialized terms of art from health care (many students in my school are interested in careers in the health sciences) like resection, and that bane of animal lovers everywhere, vivisection.

This lesson opens with this context clues worksheet on the verb snip, (for the context in this document, it is an intransitive verb meaning “to make a short quick cut with or as if with shears or scissors”),  a frequently used verb in everyday English meant to point students toward the meaning of sect. This scaffolded worksheet, replete with Romance language cognates, is the mainstay of this lesson.

If you find typos in these documents, I would appreciate a notification. And, as always, if you find this material useful in your practice, I would be grateful to hear what you think of it. I seek your peer review.

Fascism

“fascism: A right-wing nationalist ideology or movement with a totalitarian and hierarchical structure that is fundamentally opposed to democracy and liberalism. In ancient Rome, the authority of the state was symbolized by the fasces, a bundle of rods bound together (signifying popular unity) with a protruding axe-head (denoting leadership). As such, it was appropriated by Mussolini to label the movement he led to power in Italy in 1922, but was subsequently generalized to cover a whole range of movements during the inter-war period. These include the National Socialists in Germany, as well as others such as Action Francaise, the Arrow Cross in Hungary, or the Falangists in Spain. In the post-war period, the term has been used, often prefixed by “neo,” to describe what are successors to these movements, as well as Peronism and, most recently, some movements in ex-Communist countries, such as Pamyat in Russia (see extreme-right parties). Given such diversity, does the term have any meaning?

Genuinely fascist ideologies are: monist, that is to say, based upon fundamental and basic truths about humanity and the environment which to not admit to question; simplistic, in the sense of ascribing complex phenomena to single causes and advancing single remedies; fundamentalist, that is, involving a division the world into “good” and “bad” with nothing in between; and conspiratorial, that is, predicated on the existence of a secret world-wide conspiracy by a hostile group seeking to manipulate the masses to achieve and or maintain a dominant position.

In content, these ideologies are distinguished by five main components. (1) Extreme nationalism, the belief that there is a clearly defined nation which has its own distinctive characteristics, culture, and interests, and which is superior to others. (2) An assertion of national decline—that at some point in the mythical past the nation was great, with harmonious social and political relationships, and dominant over others, and that subsequently it has disintegrated, become internally fractious and divided, and subordinate to lesser nations. (3) This process of national decline is often linked to a diminution of the racial purity of the nation. In some movements the nation is regarded as co-extensive with the race (the nation race), while in others, hierarchies of race are defined generically with nations located within them (the race nation); in virtually all cases, the view is taken that the introduction of impurities has weakened the nation and been responsible for its plight. (4) The blame for national decline and/or racial miscegenation is laid at the door of a conspiracy on the part of other nations/races seen as competing in a desperate struggle for dominance. (5) In that struggle, both capitalism and its political form, liberal democracy, are seen as mere divisive devices designed to fragment the nation and subordinate if further in the world order.

With regard to prescriptive content, the first priority is the reconstitution of the nation as an entity by restoring its purity. The second is to restore national dominance by reorganizing the polity, the economy, and society. Means to this end include variously: (1) the institution of an authoritarian  and antiliberal state dominated by a single party; (2) total control by the latter over political aggregation, communication, and socialization: (3) direction by the state of labor and consumption to create a productionist and self-sufficient economy; and (4) a charismatic leader embodying the “real” interests of the nation and energizing the masses. With these priorities fulfilled, the nation would then be in a position to recapture its dominance, if necessary by military means.

Such priorities were explicit in the inter-war fascist movements, which engaged in racial/ethnic “cleansing,” establishing totalitarian political systems, productionist economies, and dictatorships, and of course went to war in pursuit of international dominance. But such parties can no longer openly espouse these extremes, and national/racial purity now takes the form of opposition to continuing immigration and demands for repatriation; totalitarianism and dictatorship have been replaced by lesser demands for a significant strengthening in the authority of the state, allegedly within a democratic framework; productionism has become interventionism; and military glory has been largely eschewed.”

Excerpted from: McLean, Iain, and Alistair McMillan, editors. Oxford Concise Dictionary of Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003.